Til the Last of the Hostages

Yocheved Lifshitz was released from Hamas captivity after 17 days. When she emerged from the tunnels, and after a medical examination, she sat down in front of the camera and told the Israeli public about her abduction. She described how they beat her, an 85-year-old woman, in the ribs with sticks. How they dragged her to Gaza on a motorcycle and how the terrorists stormed the kibbutz homes, without distinguishing between the elderly, children, women and men.

I feel that this was the first press conference held since October 7th of real value. Since that murderous Saturday, when hundreds of Israeli citizens were violently dragged across the border and kidnapped after seeing their families and friends murdered before their eyes, most statements and press conferences had been filled with various iterations of the words "victory" and "together." Nothing substantial, no concrete information. No words to clear the fog around the fate of the hundreds of hostages taken beyond enemy lines.

And then Yocheved arrived. An impressive woman who’s seen a thing or two in her life and somehow, in her eighties, had to experience the worst event imaginable. She spoke clearly, matter-of-factly. She looked us in the eye and simply told us what she had experienced there.

She spoke about the tunnels, the lack of air, the humidity. She described their medical condition upon arrival and mentioned the Gazan paramedic and doctor who came to see them. She spoke about Sinwar, who showed up one day to talk to them. She also said that although they were abused on the way, from the moment they arrived in the tunnels, she and the other captives with her received good treatment. "They took care of all our needs. They made sure we ate. We ate the same food as them. White cheese, processed cheese, cucumbers."

The Israeli public went crazy. "A PR disaster," they called it. The spokesperson for Ichilov Hospital was dismissed following the event, and Lifshitz's words were drowned in a flood of insults, curses and denials on social media.

Nine months later, I'm sitting down to a conversation with Daniel, her grandson. His grandfather, Yocheved's partner, is still in Gaza. Like his grandmother, Daniel is extremely matter-of-fact, what in political language is called "pragmatism." He looks reality straight in the eye, is unfazed by extreme statements, and calmly analyzes the hostage deal currently on the table. A normal conversation in a completely insane situation.

Our conversation takes place a few days before the assassination of Mohammed Deif, amid negotiations for another hostage deal, the "Netanyahu Deal," seen as the last chance to bring the hostages home. "Military pressure has run its course," explains Daniel. "And we lost the leverage of humanitarian aid early on because we released it so we could continue fighting."

What do you know about the current deal?

"There is a lot of pressure on Hamas from the mediators, including Turkey, Egypt and Qatar. They are all pressuring Hamas to accept Stage 1, a humanitarian stage that includes people Hamas should have admitted 'we were wrong' about, and released from the beginning with no conditions. This stage is very important for both sides because it includes a ceasefire we all need, and it builds trust between the sides to reach Stage 2 – the release of all the hostages. Later, if an agreement is reached about who will run Gaza in the future, the deal will also include the end of the war. When the deal is signed, it will include the first two stages. Right now, it's in Netanyahu's hands."

Netanyahu's and Sinwar's

"It's clear to all of us that the deals are not between Israel and Hamas, but between Bibi and Sinwar. You need to know what each of them needs. In this deal, both sides ultimately get what they need. Everyone is tired, worn out by the situation. We saw our economy grow just with the option of a deal. A hostage deal is the most important thing for Israel, from a military standpoint as well. The army needs to reorganize, learn lessons, rest."

In our conversations with reservists, there is a fear that many of the hostages will not return. That we’ll never know what happened to some of them.

"We are at the last opportunity before dozens of Ron Arads. This is the deal. This is the deal that will prevent the tragic story of Ron Arad from becoming one of many for the State of Israel. We couldn't prevent the disaster of October 7th, but maybe we can stop this one."

We return to the early days of the war, to the first deal. "It was in Hamas's interest to get rid of such a large number of hostages," Lifshitz explains. "Since then, many opportunities have been missed."

Like the first deal, which was halted.

"Both sides broke that deal. It was clear that they wanted to return to fighting. The day the deal fell apart was supposed to include six women and four bodies. The day after that, we would have moved on to the elderly. Israel didn't complete that part of the deal. In that sense, the Israeli government sacrificed the elderly because of its fear of public opinion."

Israeli public opinion?

"Yes. Israeli public opinion wanted to go after Hamas, crush them, hit them with full force. A legitimate feeling, but I think our leaders needed to make a leadership decision. To say 'we’ll deal with Hamas, but first we’ll bring the hostages home.' It’s not the responsibility of 120 hostages to solve a 2000-year-old conflict."

Israeli public opinion is also influenced by the trauma of Gilad Shalit, which brought us Sinwar.

"When Israel made that deal, it didn't consider Sinwar to be a dangerous prisoner. He hadn’t killed any Israelis, he had killed Palestinians, Fatah members. In contrast, prisoners who had harmed Israelis and were released in that deal were exiled to Turkey or returned to the West Bank. Almost none of them returned to terrorism. Sinwar was misjudged by Israel and our security forces. Once the mistake was understood, Israel should have eliminated him. But Israel didn't eliminate Hamas’s leadership in Gaza before October 7th."

At any rate, releasing prisoners is not an exact science. You can release a young boy who becomes the leader of a terrorist organization, and you can release a forty-year-old man who poses no threat at all.

"In the end, as my grandfather always says, it all starts with education. When you imprison two million people in the Gaza Strip, hand the keys to Hamas, and try to buy them off with money, you're not helping yourself. Children aren’t born terrorists. Children aren’t born with opinions. They go to school and receive this terrible indoctrination against Israel. They’re brainwashed".

"A Puzzle of a Million Pieces"

"In the 1980s, my grandfather went to Gaza and, along with Latif Dori, met Rashad al-Shawa, the mayor of Gaza. He went there to talk about education. He used to say, 'With good education, there will be a Gaza, the lack of it will lead to a colossal disaster' – and here we are."

Daniel, a former goalkeeper for Maccabi Tel Aviv and the grandson of teacher Yocheved and journalist Oded, dedicated and longtime peace activists, has been giving interviews since the early days of the war. In one that I particularly remember, the host asked him if he thought his grandfather had "gotten smart" now that he was in Hamas captivity. Nine months later, I watched the interview with Lifshitz on Instagram. There, Daniel gave the best answer I've heard to that question and to the madness that has gripped us since October 7th: "Peace is being held hostage in a tunnel in Gaza."

"In 1972, my grandfather faced down the army and Ariel Sharon to prevent them from blocking the wells of the Bedouins in Rafah so that the sheep could have water. In 1973, he was the first to cross the Suez Canal and fought for coexistence. When I say that peace is kidnapped in Gaza, I am speaking directly to Hamas. They bear the mark of shame for what they’ve done to the Gazans and the Palestinian people. I am talking about the responsibility of Sinwar, who supposedly acts for the good of the Palestinians, but in reality, took my grandfather, a man of peace and justice – and kidnapped him into the tunnels. My grandfather did everything, everywhere he could, to contribute to peace and security."

Peace and security. We no longer hear those words together.

"Peace and security go together. But what happened on October 7th distanced us from that to some extent, and there is no doubt that Hamas is clearly preventing it. Where are you? Why haven't you released my grandfather? Why haven't you released Haim Peri and all the other elderly people? How could you murder Vivian Silver in cold blood?"

Do you believe peace can come again?

"At the end of the day, great opportunities come from great crises. Right now, we’re in the middle of it, and we need to make sure everyone comes home before we worry about peace. But yes, at some point, we will have to find a long-term solution because that's what brings security. Who helped us in the attack by Iran? Our neighbors. Jordan, Saudi Arabia, even Qatar."

If Grandpa Oded had not been kidnapped and was sitting with us now, what would he be doing?

"My grandfather always had a strategy. He would look at the military, economic and social aspects. I’m sure he’d have many ideas. And if he saw that no one was in charge and no one was listening, he’d go out to the streets, protest, and do whatever it took. Just like before October 7th, he went out to protest because he believed something very serious was happening here."

The same protests that the government is now blaming for 'dividing the nation' and weakening us before the massacre.

"It's not the responsibility of the people to always be united. It’s the government's responsibility to minimize the hatred between political sides. But this is something I learned in Israeli football. Especially as a goalkeeper. Never take responsibility. Was a goal scored entirely because of you? Find an excuse not to accept it. And it works. If you say it enough times, it works."

"Why does the Hostage Headquarters need to ask for donations?" Lifshitz asks. "The Israeli government is obligated to fully support such an organization, even if it doesn’t agree with its policies. You can't paint it all one color and cause division. The Israeli government should have come and asked, 'How much money do you need per month?' and done everything so that when the hostages return, they come back to strong, well-supported families."

Why do you think this didn't happen?

"The shame. This is something we don’t talk about enough. The shame of 7/10, to be the head of a state where this happened. This shame, in my opinion, is what caused them not to speak immediately with the headquarters and the families. Imagine if in the first week, the Israeli government had gathered all the hostage families and said to them, 'We are with you.' I think the fact that it’s now nine months later and no family is in a psychiatric hospital shows their strength."

And maybe also the headquarters’?

"The headquarters today is managed much more appropriately. They no longer disavow the families’ activities. That happened at the beginning, and it was very bad and very divisive. Today we are trying to find a way to unite, to accept opinions. I have different opinions from many people in the headquarters – on the right, left and center. But in the end, everyone's goal, including the government’s, is to bring the hostages home."

"Everyone who was kidnapped, murdered, and who hid in their home holding the door of their safe room, protected the State of Israel with their bodies. They ensured that Hamas didn’t move on to Be'er Sheva, Ashdod, Tel Aviv. The Nova party, Be'eri, Kfar Aza, Sderot, Nir Oz. This is the same defense as in 1957; for years they suffered rocket attacks, incendiary balloons, fires, border protests, for all of us. They are the ones who defended the State of Israel on October 7th when the army wasn’t present."

A few months ago, I wrote a column where I pondered this issue, that Hamas mainly kidnapped leftists, kibbutz members, peace activists.

"My grandmother said this to Sinwar's face. 'How dare you kidnap these people, harm these people?' But that’s the biggest threat to Hamas in the end. And that’s why I really hope the public and the government, all of us, will understand that signing a deal is also the way to unite the nation. To show that even a government with extreme views cares about bringing everyone home and reminds us that we are one people, one nation. And I think that if the government had initially approached all the families, Hamas would not have enjoyed seeing protests here and there. What do you expect people to do? Sit at home and trust the government after October 7th? Why?"

Because together we’ll win.

"Toppling Hamas is also a way to create unity. A government cannot have an agenda that divides people. To create unity, we need an agreement that will bring the hostages back. This is an integral part and super important step in toppling Hamas. We’ve achieved military successes, we get it. Now the agreement, another step in toppling Hamas."

The longest war.

"This is our longest war since 1948. And we, the hostage families, just want to see our loved ones come home and receive support. I wish the Hostage Headquarters was not a place of struggle, but rather a place we could come to, be welcomed and cared for, and know that the entire nation is behind us and the government is working to bring the hostages back. That’s not the situation. But it’s never too late to start something new, even if everything is broken. Even if it seems impossible."

Do you think it’s possible with the current government?

"I see more and more voices speaking differently. I believe we need to remove the extremists from the government, and I think Netanyahu should accept those who have offered to their support. Lapid has already said he’ll provide him with a safety net for the deal, if Ben Gvir and Smotrich decide to leave. I think Netanyahu should take it. It would show he’s looking out for the good of the people. He needs to take it and remove the extreme voices because Ben Gvir’s statements, for example, undoubtedly worsen the conditions of the hostages."

A few days ago, a report was published claiming that Hamas said some hostages tried to commit suicide. According to them, it happened due to worsening conditions, exactly as you said, because of Ben Gvir’s statements.

"Without addressing agendas and political positions – if one hostage returns and says that their conditions worsened because of statements by a government minister when they could have been better, that is unforgivable."

On July 24, Netanyahu is scheduled to speak in the American Congress during an election year. The speech will take place at a particularly depressing time. Almost ten months into the war, with half of the hostages still held captive and no one in Israel knowing what the future holds. "I think Netanyahu has no reason to travel to the US if he doesn’t bring a deal. You have a good deal on the table, sign it and go there as a hero of Israel," says Lifshitz. "You have an insane opportunity now, to speak to Congress during a war, under such global pressure. Don’t let Hamas sabotage it. Take the deal, even if you have to compromise on some terms."

On October 7th, Daniel was in France. His mother and daughter had left the kibbutz the night before for Tel Aviv. His grandparents stayed and were kidnapped. Oded was injured and dragged by the terrorists outside to his cactus garden. He bled and lost consciousness. Yocheved thought he was dead. Only after the first deal, following information brought by two released hostages, did she find out he was alive and being held in Gaza.

"She had already come to terms with his death, and then suddenly, Grandpa came back to life. Now, for months, we’ve had no news about him. I sat with Aviva Siegal, who told me that Keith’s and her best moment was when they emerged from the tunnel and could finally breath fresh air. I mean, when talking about the suffering of the Gazans, the fear of death, the lack of food and water – our hostages endure all of that and also a lack of air."

Has she returned to Nir Oz?

"My grandmother said she wouldn’t go back to Nir Oz until my grandfather returns. But she came back for Dolev Yehud’s funeral. Think about the personal connections. I know 90 of the 240 people who were kidnapped personally. 77 of them are from Nir Oz. Out of the 120 still there, 35 are from Nir Oz. Arbel Yehud is like my sister. Her brother, Dolev, is my brother. We grew up together in communal living. We’ve been together since the children’s house. My grandmother came because he’s like a grandson to her. This is our family."

Do you think you all will ever return there?

"Some want to return, some don’t. These people, on October 7th, defended the State of Israel. The government needs to come, thank them, and ask what they need. Not the Tekuma Directorate that plays games between what Nir Oz needs and what’s possible. But a directorate that says, 'No problem.' No matter what budget is needed, give these people, who have taken a historic blow, what they need to recover."

And what do you do in the meantime?

"My grandmother comes to the square every Saturday. She goes everywhere she thinks she can offer support and strength. It took her six months to recover, to stabilize her weight, and that's after 17 days in captivity. So you can understand the rehabilitation that will be needed for the hostages who’ve been there for nine months. Mentally, my grandmother is waiting until the last hostage is released. Until the last one returns. Then she will recover. Then she will be okay. Even if it will always be there because there is nothing as terrible as captivity, and I don’t wish any family to be in that place because the thought of never having closure is horrifying."

צילום תמונה ראשית: עמירם אורן